Having been a part of joint professional military education (JPME) for nearly 20 years and editor of this journal—dedicated to the joint force and the concept of jointness—for a decade and a half, every day I see the power that our war colleges and this journal give to our students, our graduates, senior leaders of the joint force, the interagency community, our partners and allies, and the interested public around the globe.

It is early 2027, and Chinese provocations in the South China Sea and the Taiwan Strait continue to escalate, as they have since 2018.

Modernization of the People’s Liberation Army Air Force (PLAAF) has been an important priority for the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) due to the strategic importance of airpower in modern military campaigns.

The 2022 U.S. National Security Strategy prioritized competing with China, and this focus seems likely to continue with the new administration.

The resurgence of Great Power competition as a dominant feature of the international environment brings a measure of certainty to the joint force.

It is not uncommon to hear the phrase “civil-military relations” used as shorthand for “subordination of the military to civilian authority.”

Early in the scenario, participants discover algorithmic limitations in an artificial intelligence (AI)-based deepfake detection tool.

The adage “amateurs discuss tactics, professionals discuss logistics” resonates more profoundly than ever in an age of rapid technological advancements and global challenges.

The geostrategic challenge posed by the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in the Western Pacific is a contest that the United States must counter with the collective implementation of the instruments of national power in pursuit of improved operational access for the U.S. joint force.

In the recent wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, the U.S. military medical enterprise achieved historical highs for saving lives and treating extreme injuries.

The 2022 U.S. National Security Strategy explicitly calls to “deter cyberattacks from state and non-state actors and will respond decisively with all appropriate tools of national power to hostile acts in cyberspace, including those that disrupt or degrade vital national functions or critical infrastructure.”

The final withdrawal of troops from Iraq in December 2011 left most U.S. military leadership with the desire to shift their focus from counterinsurgency—which had achieved a position of intellectual dominance in the U.S. military during the war on terror in the late 2000s—back to conventional warfighting.